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Turkey wants Iraq disarmed
February 3, 2003
Washington Times
http://www.washtimes.com/op-ed/20030203-71352440.htm
O. Faruk Logoglu
Much has been written in recent weeks about what level of support Turkey
might provide in the event of a war in Iraq. The Turkish government's
deliberation over how best to contribute to the U.S.-led international
effort to disarm Iraq has been construed as an indication of uncertainty,
or even weakness, in our countries' long-standing alliance. Worse still,
some have suggested that Turkey is attaching a dollar value to its support
for the United States.
Both notions are unfair and incorrect.
While our timelines and priorities may be different, our countries'
ultimate objectives are very much the same: the disarmament of Iraq in
accordance with the will of the international community.
Turkey is in a unique position with respect to Iraq. First, it is the only
democracy among the frontline states whose active help the United States
is seeking. In Turkey, as in America, the constitution, the Parliament,
civil institutions and public opinion all have an influence on policy
matters, especially when it comes to making decisions about war and peace.
Second, Turkey is in a unique geographical location. After the last
American soldier departs from the region, Turkey and Iraq will still be
neighbors.
Third, Turkey is faced with a very heavy and difficult agenda in its
political life. Three months ago, while the U.S. Congress was completing
its debate and authorizing President Bush to use force if necessary
against Iraq, Turkey was in the midst of a general election campaign.
Turkey's new government was then confronted with immediate economic
challenges and an impending decision by the European Union regarding its
possible accession. And also, our new government has placed a high
priority on seeking a resolution to the question of Cyprus. Hence, we hope
our consultations and deliberations on the Iraqi issue will be viewed in
the context of these other major issues, and that the pace of our open and
democratic process not be mistaken for slowrolling or stonewalling.
Turkey's alliance with the United States goes back many decades, and is
based on common values and mutual interests. Democracy, rule of law,
respect for human rights, a commitment to a market economy and security
bind the two nations together. Turkey has proven its worth as an ally and
strategic partner to the U.S., starting with the Korean War. Today we
stand together in confronting terrorism. We have joined hands to advance
international security in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia, the
Middle East, Somalia, the Caucasus and Central Asia.
In 1991, we joined the U.S.-led international coalition because we
recognized the serious implications of Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. We made
this decision despite the tremendous economic hardship we expected to —
and did — endure. With the knowledge of that experience, the United States
and Turkey are discussing ways to keep the Turkish economy healthy and how
to address the consequences of a war next door. But this discussion is in
no way related to the degree of involvement by Turkey in such a conflict.
Rather, that decision will depend on the facts of the matter itself, the
national interests of Turkey, and our regard for the preservation of
international legitimacy and solidarity.
Over the years, U.S.-Turkish cooperation vis-a-vis Iraq has been concrete,
substantial and sustained. Whether in the context of terrorism or in the
enforcement of U.N. Security Council resolutions, Turkey has worked
closely with the United States ever since the Gulf War. The long list of
joint efforts includes our extension of Operation Northern Watch to enable
continued enforcement of the no-fly zone in northern Iraq, our work to
complete site surveys, our sustained military-to-military cooperation and
continued close consultations at all levels with the U.S. government.
Turkey is solemnly engaged in efforts to bring about a solution to the
Iraqi question through peaceful means. The goal is to bring peace,
security and prosperity to the region, to Iraq, to its neighbors and
beyond. In this effort, Turkey will do its part as a responsible regional
actor in concert with the United States, its ally and strategic partner,
and the international community.
O. Faruk Logoglu is Turkey's ambassador to the United States.
Copyright © 2003 Embassy of the Republic of Turkey, Washington, DC.
Powered by eDevlet Technologies Last Updated on MArch 1st, 2003
=======PREVIOUS MESSGE FROM AMBASSADOR LOGOGLU============
Turkey, The Dependable Ally
Turkey wants Iraq disarmed
Turkey, The Dependable Ally
The past 50 years, the Turkish-US alliance has remained strong and passed
every test, from Korea to Kosovo, from Somalia to Afghanistan and to the
fight against terrorism.
The Turkish-US alliance, its roots dating back to Cold War era, was not
only based on a shared concern regarding the threat of communist
totalitarianism, but also on the need to confront the emerging
trans-boundary threats of ethnic nationalism, aggression and above all
terrorism.
Turkey was among the first countries to respond to the Iraqi aggression
against Kuwait in 1990. Turkey did not hesitate to join the U.S.-led
international coalition to halt the occupation of Kuwait in 1991 despite
the war’s immediate effects on Turkish economy. Apart from trying to
provide humanitarian relief to the 500.000 Kurdish refugees stampeding
across the border into its territory, Turkey shut down the Iraq-Turkey oil
pipeline and also lost its annual tourism income. The Turkish economy,
which grew by 9.5 percent in 1990, plummeted to 0.5 percent growth in
1991.
Despite the immense cost of war and the fact that Turkey’s economy was hit
hardest by its adverse effects and aftermath, Turkish cooperation with the
U.S. on Iraq has been concrete, comprehensive and sustained since 1991.
Indeed the Gulf Crisis has had a continuous impact on Turkey throughout
the past 12 years. Since 1991, Turkey had a cumulative loss of about $100
billion in GNP. Before the Gulf War, Iraq was Turkey’s second largest
trading partner following Germany. The U.S. equivalent would be loosing
Canada or Mexico as a trading partner. The national income per capita fell
by more than one third as a sizeable portion of the Turkish people plunged
into poverty.
Another fall out of the Gulf War was the rise of terrorism. The terrorist
organization PKK-KADEK took shelter in the power void created in Northern
Iraq and organized sustained attacks in Turkey. PKK-KADEK terror claimed
over 30.000 lives and injured more than 20.000. The suffering remains
vivid in the collective memory of the Turkish people. Substantial
economic, financial and human resources had to be diverted to fight
against terrorism.
Turkey’s resolute efforts clearly indicate that it is committed to the
objective of disarming of Iraq in accordance with the UN resolutions as it
stood against the Iraqi aggression in 1991. Within this context, Turkey
initiated a regional conference in January 2003 that ended with a strong
call to Iraq to comply fully and unconditionally with Resolution 1441.
Turkey has also maintained its bilateral efforts to persuade Iraqi
leadership to resolve this problem by peaceful means.
Today Turkey and the U.S. are working hard and in a sustained manner to
resolve the issue of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction, a difficult and
complex issue as Iraq is Turkey’s neighbor. There is a significant
Turcoman population there. The U.S. is Turkey’s friend, ally and strategic
partner. Turkey and the U.S. hold identical views on terrorism and on
weapons of mass destruction. The Turkish economy is still fragile but
there are many counter-veiling factors and variables. Turkish political
agenda also contains other issues such as Cyprus, a case of ever greater
imminence for Turkey.
For these reasons, some people and circles in the US have not been
sufficiently sensitive to the fact that the recent negotiations between
Turkey and the US were not solely focused on economic issues. The two
sides are seeking to clarify political, military and humanitarian issues
concerning Iraq, above and beyond economic consideration. Turkey is
concerned about the success of a military operation and the post-conflict
strategy for Iraq.
Money, then, was not the core issue, evidenced in the fact that an
agreement on economic issues came earlier than the agreement on political
and military questions between the sides.
Nonetheless, the Turkish people and the Government are deeply concerned
with the state of the economy. Not only have the losses incurred since the
Gulf war remain uncompensated, but mere talk of war against Iraq in recent
months has continued to damage the Turkish economy in various ways.
Tourism has been affected and markets have become tense. Therefore it is
absolutely necessary for the Turkish Government to obtain some credible
assurance that its economy will not again pay the price of war against
Iraq. Modest estimates point to a projected loss of 16.5 to 21 billion
dollars annually due to its negative effects on the balance of payments,
inflation, tourism, transportation, communication, contracts and oil
prices. There will be additional expenditures to address humanitarian
issues and increased military spending. Over the next four years the
anticipated cost of war could total above 90 billion dollars. Undoubtedly,
these are very legitimate concerns that any nation in a similar situation
would take into account and adopt appropriate measures to address them.
In addition to economic concerns, there are political, constitutional and
strategic considerations of equal importance. To understand what is
happening in Turkey, it is important to realize that Turkey is a
democracy. Ninety four percent of the Turkish people are against war and
news about reaching an agreement on the U.S. economic assistance package
for Turkey has had no effect. Certainly, public opinion is something that
the Government and the elected representatives of the people must be
attentive to. What would an American President or Congress do if faced
with such an overwhelming public sentiment?
What is at stake here is also about constitutional requirements. Article
92 of the Turkish Constitution stipulates that the basing of foreign
troops on Turkish soil or the sending of Turkish troops abroad can only be
with a decision of the Turkish Parliament and that the decision must be
based on international legitimacy. In connection with Iraq, Turkey closely
follows the deliberations of the UN Security Council as part of the need
for international legitimacy. It is difficult to convince the people of
Turkey that war is the only alternative to disarm Iraq. The challenge is
particularly acute given the lack of consensus in the international
community as reflected in differences among the members of the UN Security
Council.
There are also strategic concerns in play here. Should force be used
against Iraq, it is of paramount importance that the territorial integrity
and political unity of Iraq be preserved and protected under all
circumstances for the sake of the Iraqi people and for regional and
international stability. Turkey also wants to be certain that the rights
of all the various groups are protected; that human rights of all Iraqi
citizens respected; that its natural resources, including oil, are used to
the benefit of the Iraqi people as a whole; that no group for whatever
reason should be favored over others; and that all Iraqi citizens regard
themselves as the rightful owners of all the regions and cities of Iraq,
regardless of where they live. It is of critical importance that all the
major population groups in Iraq, whether Arabs, Kurds Turcomans, as well
as Assyrians or others, have the opportunity to determine the future of
their country, freely and on equal footing. An Iraq whose people are
secure under the rule of law and in peace with its neighbors will be a
great asset for the stability and prosperity of the region which in the
past has been the home of glorious civilizations.
War is the last resort and should always be considered as such until all
peaceful measures supported by the international community have been fully
exhausted.
Turkey holds its relations with the US in high regard. Turkey is
determined to pursue its alliance with the U.S. based on mutual confidence
and understanding. In line with the Turkish-U.S. strategic partnership,
Turkey sent its soldiers and peace-keepers to Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia,
the Middle East, Georgia, Somalia, East Timor and most recently to
Afghanistan. Turkey did not risk the lives of its troops on these missions
for any kind of financial benefit. These efforts were exerted in defense
of freedom and the common values that Turkey and the U.S. hold dear –
democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and secularism.
Let us therefore be fair to a nation that has always been a good friend of
the American people and reliable ally of the U.S. by making an effort to
understand the complexity of the challenges it faces.
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USA Today March 4, 2003
TURKEY: DEMOCRACY IN ACTION
The Bush administration finds itself in a jam following the refusal of
Turkey's parliament Saturday to let 62,000 U.S. forces use the country as
a base to launch an invasion of Iraq from the north. With the White House
saying that war is just weeks away, Turkey's unexpected rebuff forces the
Pentagon to reshuffle its war plans.
So important was the Turkish piece to the war puzzle that the
administration had tied as much as $30 billion in economic aid to Turkey's
military support. And so sure was the U.S. of Turkey's help that American
warships were already massing off Turkish ports.
Unless the parliament reverses its decision this week, the U.S. will have
to scramble to reroute troops to Kuwait or move troops into northern Iraq
using cargo planes. Military experts say those alternatives are more
cumbersome and less effective than using Turkey.
Asked about the decision, some Turkish leaders offered a simple, yet
compelling, explanation: ''A completely democratic result'' was how
Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan described the narrow vote to bar U.S.
troops. In fact, many of the ''no'' votes cast by the parliament, as in
any functioning democracy, reflected public opinion; in this case, its
opposition to war with Iraq, which is as high as 94%, according to recent
polls.
As the only predominantly Muslim nation in the Middle East with a
democratic form of government, Turkey presents an important, if highly
inconvenient, civics lesson for the administration: Democracy can be
unruly and unpredictable. Yet, as the world's best form of government --
and one the U.S. wants to see emulated in other Muslim nations --
democracy in action in the Turkish parliament is worth respecting.
No such inconveniences block U.S. policy in many other Middle East nations
precisely because they aren't democracies. The administration has gotten
its way, at least in part, because it is dealing with authoritarian
regimes, not elected governments, in Saudi Arabia and Jordan, for
instance.
That fact presents a second reason why the weekend vote poses a diplomatic
challenge for the administration. President Bush has said one war aim is
to smooth the way for a democratic government in Iraq that could prompt
other neighbors to follow suit.
The extent to which the administration shows its respect for Turkey's
adherence to democratic principles -- difficult as that is proving for
U.S. war plans -- will say much about its commitment to a democratized
Middle East.
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Erdogan Win Opens Way to Turkish PM Post
By LOUIS MEIXLER
.c The Associated Press
ANKARA, Turkey (AP) - Governing party leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan won a
seat in parliament by a huge margin Sunday, a crucial victory that opens
the way for him to become prime minister and strengthens his hand in
uniting the government behind deployment of U.S. troops for an Iraq war.
The charismatic Erdogan - already the nation's de facto leader - has
advocated the U.S. troop deployment in Turkey, and analysts say one of his
first moves as premier could be to purge ministers who oppose it.
Prime Minister Abdullah Gul is expected to resign Wednesday to make way
for Erdogan to take over the government, after Erdogan's Justice and
Development Party overwhelmingly won by-election balloting in the southern
town of Siirt. Gov. Nuri Okutan of Siirt said Justice captured 84.7
percent of the vote. Justice is likely to have won all three seats that
were contested Sunday.
It was unclear when parliament would be ready to take up a new resolution
on U.S. troop deployment, after lawmakers failed to approve a resolution
March 1.
Turkish media say a vote could come as early as Thursday, but members of
the Justice Party said it might be two weeks before a new government is in
place.
``Our task is hard, our path is long but my peoples' trust is total,''
Erdogan told supporters after the vote.
Erdogan's election was likely to end some of the confusion within the
Turkish government. Gul is head of the administration, but Erdogan leads
the ruling party and is widely regarded as the power behind the scenes. It
was Erdogan whom President Bush invited to the White House after Turkey's
national elections in November.
Some analysts say those muddled lines of authority contributed to the
failure of the deployment resolution by a mere four votes in the 550-seat
parliament - despite Justice's huge majority of 362 seats.
Erdogan had been barred from running in November national elections
because of a conviction for inciting religious hatred over a poem he read
at a 1998 rally in Siirt, 60 miles north of the Iraqi border.
Justice lawmakers changed the constitution after the national vote to
allow Erdogan to run for office Sunday.
``In the November elections, the person who was the prime minister in our
hearts was not able to become a deputy. This week this mistake, this shame
is being rectified,'' said Deputy Prime Minister Ertugrul Yalcinbayir.
The vote comes as Washington pressures Turkey to base U.S. combat troops
to open a northern front against neighboring Iraq in a possible war. Ships
carrying equipment for the soldiers are already off the Turkish coast, and
it was unclear how long Washington could wait for a Turkish decision. Some
equipment already has been unloaded and moved to a temporary staging area
in southeastern Turkey not far from the border.
Erdogan has hinted he will soon resubmit a troop deployment motion.
Although the Turkish public is overwhelmingly against a war, Erdogan urged
legislators after the failed vote to act ``not to satisfy their daily
emotions but toward the country's future.''
Rebuffing the United States risks straining ties with Washington and
losing a say in the future of neighboring Iraq - as well as a $15 billion
U.S. aid package offered in exchange for hosting U.S. troops.
``Recep Tayyip Erdogan's test in Siirt will determine the fate of the
motion,'' Enis Berberoglu wrote in the Hurriyet newspaper. ``If a result
that pleases the (Justice party) emerges from the elections, then
Erdogan's hand will be strengthened.''
The newspaper reported Saturday that Erdogan plans to sack four ministers
who opposed the deployment, reducing the number of ministers from 24 to
20.
During Gul's premiership, Erdogan strongly influenced policy, and Cabinet
ministers - including Gul - often consulted Erdogan after key meetings.
Although Erdogan urged legislators to vote for the first failed
resolution, his words are likely to have a stronger impact once he is in
office.
``It is one thing to run a government by remote control and another to sit
in the prime minister's seat,'' said Ilnur Cevik, editor in chief of the
Turkish Daily News.
``Gul knew he was a transition prime minister and exerting your will on
the party is very hard if you are a lame duck prime minister,'' Cevik
said.
The Siirt by-elections were scheduled after Turkey's election board ruled
that a ballot box there had been tampered with during the national vote.
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Annan holds make-or-break Cyprus talks
THE HAGUE, March 10 (Reuters)
U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan makes one last effort on Monday to
resolve Cyprus's division in a bid to stave off the admission of a divided
island and a bitter conflict to the European Union next year.
Taking time out from the Iraq crisis for a mission that Annan believes
could be a defining achievement of his U.N. leadership, the secretary
general has warned if there is no agreement it could be a decade before a
chance comes again.
Annan will expect answers from Greek Cypriot leader Tassos Papadopoulos
and Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash on Monday on whether they accept
his call to put a complex power-sharing reunification blueprint to popular
vote on March 30.
The outcome of Monday's meeting is crucial for Turkey's hopes of joining
the European Union as, united or not, the Greek Cypriot part will be
accepted into the EU in May 2004. It signs the accession treaty with the
bloc on April 16.
Diplomats say the draft, revised three times, offers no leeway for more
improvements. "This is it. There won't be a better plan and certainly not
an Annan (plan) four," said a source close to consultations.
On the eve of the meeting, the two sides were engaged in intensive
discussions with aides at separate hotels in The Hague. "The response will
be given to the secretary-general, not before," a Greek Cypriot source
told Reuters.
But the omens for Cyprus were not good.
Between 30,000 and 40,000 Turkish Cypriots took to the streets of Nicosia
on Friday to support veteran leader Denktash over his strong opposition to
elements in the blueprint to end a 29-year-old division of the
Mediterranean island.
TURKISH OPPOSITION WANTS REFERENDUM
But Turkish-Cypriot opponents of Denktash said on Sunday they would hold
their own referendum on the plan after parliament failed to vote for a
second time because the minimum number of deputies required failed to show
up.
While the Greek Cypriots have been loath to criticise the plan publicly,
they have also signalled they would want improvements.
The leaders must agree to the referendums at the Hague meeting but can
still negotiate details of the plan until March 25, allowing time for
referendums on March 30.
Denktash believes the plan would create refugees and throw many Turkish
Cypriots out of their homes on an island where two-thirds of the
population are Greek Cypriots.
Many Greek Cypriots oppose the plan because it commits them to sharing
power with a minority and puts quotas on the numbers of their own refugees
returning to former homes.
As diverse as their positions on key points of the plan are, both seem to
balk at the prospect of being herded into a shotgun deal.
The island has been partitioned since Turkish troops invaded in 1974 in
response to a coup by Greek Cypriot militants seeking union with Greece.
Turkey seized more than one-third of Cyprus.
Failure to reach a settlement on the plan, which allows for some transfer
of land from the Turkish to the Greek side and for some Greeks to return
to the Turkish-controlled area, could scuttle Turkey's ambitions to join
the EU.
The internationally recognised Greek Cypriot government is due to sign an
accession treaty with the EU next month. Turkish Cyprus would be left
outside without a deal and Turkey would be left in confrontation with the
Union, which it wants to join.
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Turkey Hosts EU Troika
On January 31st, the EU Commissioner for Enlargement, Guenter Verheugen,
gathered with Turkey's Foreign Minister Yasar Yakis, Greece's Foreign
Minister George Papandreou, and Italy's Foreign Minister Franco Frattini
in Ankara to discuss Turkey’s bid to join the EU. European leaders urged
Turkish Cypriots and Turkey to agree to the plan drafted by the UN to
reunify the island. At a summit meeting in December, EU members said
membership negotiations with Turkey would start “without delay” if it met
membership criteria by December 2004. Yakis vowed that Turkey would meet
the criteria a year earlier than expected. Greece is holding the EU's
rotating presidency and Italy is next in line.
=====================
From: "[iso-8859-1] Küfi Seydali" <kuefi.seydali@UTANET.AT>
To: TF-ADVISORYBOARD@TURKISHFORUM.ORG
Subject: VERHEUGEN A PAIN IN THE NECK...!!
A great man once said; "His ignorance is as remarkable as his knowledge".
Ofcourse he did not have Gunther Verheugen in mind, but who knows! He
could have done, couldn't he?
What EU Commissioner Verheugen is doing and saying with regards to
Turkey's membership and the Cyprus conflict is as hypocritical as it is
counter productive. Attempting to discuss the Cyprus issue or its EU
membership without regard to the interests of Turkey in the context of
Greek and Turkish competition in the Eastern Mediterranean, is, to say the
least, playing with fire.
Secondly, not Turkey but EU member Greece bears full responsibility for
the creation of that monster called the Cyprus conflict. The Greek Cypriot
administration of South Cyprus, loosely called "Cyprus" is a by-product of
that Greek act of aggression aiming at Hellenizing the island.
I can just visualize Verheugen sitting on a Cypriot donkey, facing
backwards. The donkey will take him somewhere but definitely not where his
EU Masters want !! Cyprus happens to be the home country of both Greek and
Turkish Cypriots and is definitely not the EU's backyard.
Verheugen's threats to Turkey are nothing more than barking up the wrong
tree. His remarks can politely be called unfortunate, and his style, a
pain in the neck.
Kufi Seydali
TF
****************************************************************
VERHEUGEN:
TURKEYS EU MEMBERSHIP IS UP TO A RESOLUTION IN CYPRUS
Guenter Verheugen, European Union commissioner for enlargement, said
yesterday that Turkeys EU membership was up to a resolution in Cyprus.
Verheugen stated that the Greek Cyprus would be a member of the Union next
year. He added that if Turkey didnt recognize Greek Cyprus after it joins
the EU, he didnt know how the accession negotiations could begin with
Turkey in 2004.
Verheugen added that there was a golden chance to resolve the Cyprus issue
and that if the two sides wouldnt reach an agreement, Turkish Republic of
Northern Cyprus (TRNC) could face economic and political isolation.
/Milliyet/
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NATO Commander Orders AWACS to Turkey
NATO announced on February 21st that Gen. James L. Jones, the NATO supreme
allied commander in Europe, has ordered AWACS surveillance planes to
Turkey to watch for any potential attack from Iraq. The planes flew from
their base in Geilenkirchen, Germany, to the Turkish air force base in the
central city of Konya and flew missions in defense of Turkish air space.
NATO is also sending Patriot anti-missile batteries to Turkey and is
preparing to deploy anti-biological/chemical units. NATO has also ordered
its civil emergency experts to report on how the alliance can assist
Turkey with the civilian consequences of any Iraqi attack, such as by
helping hospitals, keeping roads and communications lines open or
repairing damaged water and power networks. The order followed an
agreement to end weeks of stalemate over whether to start military
planning to boost Turkey’s defenses against the threat of an Iraqi air
attack. France, backed by Germany and Belgium, had held up the planning
during a month of crisis at NATO headquarters, arguing the measures risked
undermining UN efforts to avert a war in Iraq. The measures were finally
approved at the NATO Defense Planning Committee after Germany and Belgium
dropped their veto (France does not participate in DPC meetings).
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From: Fatma <fatma@TURKISHFORUM.COM>
To: TF-ADVISORYBOARD@TURKISHFORUM.ORG
Subject: Ismail Cem
Wall Street Journal
COMMENTARY
The U.S. Misread Turkey's Mood From the Start
By ISMAIL CEM
ANKARA -- Resentment in both parties, a mutual feeling of incapacity, an
unwarranted tension between two traditional allies. The U.S. and Turkey . .
. what went wrong?
As a Turkish citizen who is one of the 95% that does not agree with the
arguments for an imminent military operation against Iraq, or for Turkish
military contribution to this endeavor, my interpretation is different from
that of my government.
In retrospect, it seems that the present confusion was first triggered by
the unintentional but misleading impression that the Majority Leader Tayyip
Erdogan gave in his meeting with President Bush. Turkish government
officials gave the same positive impression to visiting U.S. officials Paul
Wolfowitz and Marc Grossman. As a result, Washington believed that Turkey
had given an assurance of unconditional participation in a military
operation. In fact, that's more or less what U.S. officials -- and CNN --
reported, following the visit by Messrs. Wolfowitz and Grossman.
Objectively, they were correct in their reading, and they developed their
plans for Iraq accordingly. But the Turkish political and popular reality
was at odds with the impression that the Americans took with them.
Second point: The U.S. administration took Turkey for granted. And the
Turkish government took its own people and parliament for granted. Both
Washington and Ankara undervalued the Turkish people's concerns and
sensitivities. Besides, in political and academic circles here, there is a
strong belief in the need for a new, explicit U.N. resolution in order to
initiate a war. If all ongoing disarmament activities derive their
legitimacy from a U.N. resolution, this logic goes, then a war legitimized
by the noncompliance of Iraq must be based on a U.N. resolution as well.
There is strong criticism of the U.S., which is seen as conferring its
approval on the U.N. only when the latter does Washington's bidding. This
gives the U.S., and especially its president, an image generally interpreted
as that of a bully.
As for the average Turkish citizen, overlooked by his government, war on
Iraq connotes nothing but economic problems, insecurity and terrorism. It is
widely accepted that the more Turkey is involved in Iraq, the greater will
be her losses, both human and material. This is understandable. The last
Gulf War had a devastating impact on Turkey. The economic and human strife
provided the terrorist-secessionist groups in Turkey with fertile ground,
and the growing terrorism was largely due to the activities of militants who
had crossed the borders as refugees fleeing Iraq. Billions of dollars were
lost in revenues, or used up in extra military spending to fight terrorism.
For the Turkish people, the present day is like watching a scary old film
again. Plus, in their consciences, they do not see a justification for an
act that would cause death and misery to a neighboring people. Scenes from
the 1991 war are present in their memories, and on TV scenes rerun for the
occasion.
Third point: The Turkish government has over-emphasized the economic aid
that the U.S. was to provide in compensation for Turkey's losses. And
Washington did not help by implicitly, even openly, blaming Turkey for
"horse-trading." This provoked an anti-Turkish media campaign in the U.S.,
with satirical banners and cartoons portraying Turkey as an ugly
belly-dancer trying to charm President Bush for his money. These, of course,
took their due place in the Turkish media. The Turkish people, who
traditionally considered the U.S. as a friend, realized that American public
opinion could easily turn hostile if Turkey deviates from U.S. demands. The
new U.S. attitude hurt deeply. It probably caused as much damage as all
other factors put together.
All of these culminated in a negative parliamentary vote, to the surprise of
almost everyone. But why should it have surprised? After all, Turkish
legislators, like their American counterparts, listen to their conscience,
and are sensitive to their constituencies.
As to what should be done, the policy that I had advocated as chairman of an
opposition party, two months ago, might still be relevant: In foreign
policy, the worst damage you can cause for your interlocutor is to mislead
him. Particularly in military matters, one should promise less, not more,
than what one regards as feasible. Turkey should have made it clear -- and
should still make it clear -- that in the absence of an explicit, new U.N.
resolution its contribution would be limited to humanitarian assistance and
to the existing and highly effective "Northern Watch." This already provides
a Turkish airbase for U.S. and U.K. warplanes to guard the northern no-fly
zone and to intervene when necessary. In case of a new U.N. resolution,
Turkey could provide broadly the same framework of assistance as in the 1991
war: Overflight and bases to U.S. planes for indiscriminate use all over
Iraq.
If the Turkish administration had drawn these lines right from the
beginning, without the unintentional misleading that it caused,
Turkish-American relations would have been much less problematic today.
Obviously, we do not want others, especially our neighbors, to possess
weapons of mass destruction; but we do not believe in waging war as its
remedy, at least in the present circumstances.
* * *
Last point: I do not know whether the Turkish government will test the
parliamentary will once more. Another negative response would bring about
political turmoil. A positive response would mean Turkey's deeper
involvement in Iraq, with all the pitfalls and dangers this carries along.
The U.S. and Turkey have a vast geography of common concerns and common
interests, from the Balkans to the Middle East, from NATO -- where our
mutual stances are crucial for the alliance -- to Central Asia, where Turkey
has centuries-old affinities and present close ties, to Afghanistan and the
fight against international terrorism. Iraq is not the only subject. To
continue to disarm Iraq without recourse to war is in Turkey's benefit. It
is, I believe, in the best interests of the U.S. as well.
Mr. Cem, former foreign minister of Turkey, is chairman of the New Turkey
Party.
Updated March 5, 2003 12:14 a.m. EST
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From: Ibrahim Polat <ibopolat@hotmail.com>
To: grassroots@turkishforum.net, koksal@TurkishForum.com,
grassroots@TurkishForum.com
Subject: Almanya KADEK i Yasakaladi
ALMANYA KADEK'I YASAKLADI!..
Avrupa Birligi'nin teror orgutleri listesine alinan PKK'nin devami oldugu
belirlenen KADEK, Almanya'da yasaklandi.
Turkiye ile Almanya arasinda 3 Mart 2003 tarihinde imzalanan "Terorizm ve
Orgutlu Suclarla Mucadelede Isbirligi Anlasmasi" sonrasinda bir basin
aciklamasi yapan Almanya Ýcisleri Bakani Otto Schily, "1993 yilindan
itibaren PKK ve yan kuruluslari icin gecerli olan yasagin KADEK icin de
uygulandigini, terorist Metin Kaplan'in lideri oldugu Hilafet Devleti
Orgutu'nun de Almanya'da yasaklandigini ve tum malvarligina el
konuldugunu, terorist Kaplan'in da onumuzdeki gunlerde Turkiye'ye iade
edilecegini" vurguladi.
Basin aciklamasinda bir gazetecinin; "PKK, DHKP-C teror orgutleri
Almanya'da ve AB ulkelerinde yasadisi orgut ilan edildi. PKK'nin devami
oldugunu aciklayan KADEK de yasadisi orgut ilan edilecek mi?" sorusu
uzerine, Almanya Ýcisleri Bakani Otto Schily; "KADEK, PKK'nin devami olan
bir orgut olarak Almanya'da yasaklanmistir. Ancak bu, maalesef butun
Avrupa ulkelerinde oyle degil" diyerek, KADEK'in Avrupa Birligi'nin teror
orgutleri listesine alinmasi gerektigine dikkat cekti.
"KADEK'li teroristlerin, orgut lideri Abdullah Ocalan'in tutukluluk
kosullarini bahane ederek, siddeti tirmandirmaya yonelik girisimlerine
izin verilmeyecegini" vurgulayan Alman Icisleri Bakanligi yetkilileri,
teror orgutu tarafindan Almanya'da organize edilen eylemlere istirak
edenlerin ve 2001 yilinda "Ben de PKK'liyim" diyerek mahkemelere dilekce
veren 2 bin civarindaki orgut sempatizaninin hapis ve agir para cezasinin
yani sira, sinir disi edilmelerinin gundemde oldugunu vurguluyorlar.
16 Ocak 2003 tarihinde Hamburg Eyalet Mahkemesi'nde yapilan yargilamada,
2001 yilinda teror orgutu tarafindan gerceklestirilen "Ben de PKK'liyim"
kampanyasina katildiklari belirlenen 5 orgut sempatizaninin hapisle
cezalandirilmasi yonunde karar verilmisti. Savciligin; "Almanya'daki PKK
yasagini delmek amaciyla teror orgutu tarafindan organize edilen eylemlere
katildigi belirlenen ve 2 Temmuz 2001 tarihinden itibaren cezaevinde
tutuklu bulunan Hasan Karagoz, Yavuz Persoglu, Sevda Ozaltun, Mursel
Karasu'ya hapis ve agir para cezasi verilmesi" yonundeki talebi Hamburg
Eyalet Mahkemesi tarafindan kabul edilmisti.
21 Ocak 2003 tarihli Die Tageszeitung Gazetesi'nde yayinlanan Almanya
Federal Bassavcilik aciklamasinda; "Almanya'da yasakli PKK teror orgutu,
2002 yilinin Nisan ayindan itibaren ismini KADEK olarak degistirmistir.
PKK yasagi KADEK icin de gecerlidir. Ismini degistirmesine ragmen orgut,
terorist yapisini ve faaliyetlerini surdurmektedir" denilerek, KADEK'in
terorist kimligi vurgulanmisti.
Ote yandan, Hollanda da, onumuzdeki gunlerde cikarilacak olan Teror
Yasalari cercevesinde, aralarinda PKK (yeni adi KADEK) ve DHKP/C'nin de
bulundugu, AB ve ABD'nin teror orgutleri listesindeki tum terorist
gruplarin ve yan kuruluslarinin yasaklanarak, mal varliklarina ve
paralarina el konulacagi aciklandi.
Kuresel terorizmle mucadelede kararli olan uluslararasi kamuoyu, ABD'nin
teror orgutleri listesine alinan ve Almanya tarafindan yasaklanan
KADEK'in, Avrupa Birligi'nin "teror orgutleri listesi"ne alinmasini
bekliyor.
Ibrahim Polat
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